While this might seem like great news for travelers planning their post-lockdown trips, in Myanmar, it's complicated. Most nations that closed their borders over the past two years did so solely to prevent the spread of Covid, but Myanmar is also still dealing with the aftereffects of a February coup in which a military junta overthrew the country's democratically elected government. Visiting Myanmar, which has previously spent decades under military rule, has always presented dilemmas for travelers weighing up whether their trip will support what has in the past been labeled an oppressive regime, or will help locals who need outside lifelines.
The question is now, with Covid still an issue across the region and the wider world of travel, plus the turmoil currently gripping the country, will anyone come? Officials have already set up a website , anticipating tourist interest, but have made it clear that any opening will be subject to successful Covid mitigation being in place.
Meanwhile, some international travelers are being warned by their own governments to stay away, due to both Covid concerns and instability in the wake of the coup.
The US State Department currently has two level four "do not visit" alerts for Burma, as it refers to Myanmar, one for its high number of coronavirus cases, and one for the ongoing political situation. In a separate advisory, it notes "Burma is facing a grave political, economic, human rights and humanitarian crisis due to a brutal crackdown by a powerful military that acts with impunity. Religious significance. Details on reopening plans on Myanmar's official tourism website are thin at the moment, but reports have suggested the government will initially target visitors from Southeast Asia.
Beyond international vacationers, there are other travelers who will be keen to enter Myanmar as soon as it's feasible to do so. With the NLD government in place, Chinese and other foreign companies are increasingly attempting to involve civil society in consultations, but with limited success thus far. Petroleum sector. Myanmar is rich in onshore and offshore hydrocarbon resources.
The upstream petroleum business is open to foreign investors, whereas downstream is restricted. Due to limited local processing capacity, Myanmar continues to import a substantial share of its petrol and diesel, mainly from Singapore and Thailand. Gas reserves are more plentiful, with billion cubic meters of proven natural gas, similar to the reserves of Thailand. Fish farming plays an important role in ensuring food security, employment and SME growth. But the fisheries remain underprioritized by the government and suffer from poor management as well as the lack of infrastructure, modern technology and impact assessments.
The potential of coastal and ocean fisheries remain largely unrealized. Myanmar suffers from large-scale deforestation that has accelerated in recent decades. The forest industry has been grossly mismanaged: at the present rate of deforestation, the forests will disappear by There are two main drivers: unsustainable logging and extensive agricultural development. Land rights and land disputes also complicate forest management.
The incentives behind deforestation are rooted in the opportunity costs related to different land uses and land tenure rights. A peace agreement could put additional pressure on forests and accelerate deforestation: when the armed groups that previously controlled various forest areas lay down arms, these areas will be available for companies involved in illegal logging. Control over natural resources has been a major driver of conflicts in ethnic areas. The government has shown a commitment to adopt international standards in governing the mining sector, for instance by joining the Extractive Industries Transparency Initiative in However, there is a long way to go before real progress in governing the mining sector is achieved.
Military-owned companies and their cronies are heavily involved in resource extraction, often in conflict-affected areas. Some areas that are contested or controlled by ethnic armed groups have parallel systems of resource governance.
Wealth sharing in natural resources is thus a key concern for democratic decentralization and conflict resolution. Development cooperation. After opening up in , Myanmar attracted numerous international organizations and donors.
The increasing involvement of foreign donors also involves risks, as the state has limited capacity to absorb assistance. Also, some local actors feel that not all international consultants who work in Myanmar have sufficient country expertise.
Myanmar needs smart development aid that can take the many local factors into account. Despite attempts to improve donor coordination after the NLD government came to power, much still remains to be done. Causes of ethnic conflicts. According to the major EAOs, there can be no real peace without political negotiations on the questions of ethnic self-determination and federalism. Core causes of ethnic conflict are political grievances related to ethnic self-determination, representation and equality, war-related security and development grievances, and the mistrust and resentment fuelled by failed peace initiatives.
Search the FT Search. World Show more World. US Show more US. Companies Show more Companies. Markets Show more Markets. Opinion Show more Opinion. It not only gives the military a quarter of parliamentary seats automatically, but also hands it control of three key ministries - home affairs, defence and border affairs.
So, as long as the constitution remains the same, the military retains some control. But could the NLD, with its majority, have amended the constitution? Aye Min Thant, a former journalist, suggests there may be another reason for today's action: embarrassment on the part of the military. The army considers itself the 'father' of the nation. As a result, it feels a sense of "obligation and entitlement" when it comes to ruling - and in recent years, as the country has become more open to international trade, it has not liked what it has seen.
The pandemic and international concerns over the Rohingya being disenfranchised in the November vote may have emboldened the military to act now, Aye Min Thant suggests. All the same, it still raised surprise. Indeed, experts appear unsure of exactly why the military acted now, as there seems little to gain. Perhaps, he says, they hope to improve the USDP's standings in future elections, but the risks of such a move "are significant".
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